CHARLOTTESVILLE BROUGHT BACK MEMORIES OF 1930’S NAZI GERMANY
…The rioters entering
Charlottesville in 2017
Trump blew it when he said: “Both
side were to blame for the violence.”
You may recall
that one year ago this month, a young 32 year old woman, Heather Heyer, was run
over and killed by a far-right white nationalist.
He was then charged with first-degree murder and two federal hate
crimes.
But being a
follower of WWII history, what I saw that day in Charlottesville, Virginia, was
a reflection of the former 1930’s Nazi German Storm Troopers called “Brownshirts”.
Just as it was
in Adolf Hitler’s rise in Germany, the far-right paramilitary groups marched
into Charlottesville as part of the now-infamous Unite the Right rally.
Many of their torch bearing members wore matching uniforms, marched in
military-style formations, openly chanted white-supremacist slogans, and
invited confrontation with counter-protesters and local law enforcement.
In some cases,
their gear and maneuvers totally imitated those actions used by the German
militaries of the past, and their weapons, whether firearms or their more crude
instruments such as shields, bats, batons and flagpoles, they were deployed to
intimidate and signal that they were, “ready
to crack skulls,”….. their words, not mine.
But, as bad as
that was, and as bad as our president was when he falsely said that, “Both sides were to blame for the violence,”
there are those that are fighting back.
In response,
advocates of nonviolence and tolerance have developed several strategies for
dealing with these and other extremist groups.
The British
group Hope Not Hate, they endorse infiltrating, naming and
shaming white-nationalist organizations.
In the wake of
Unite
the Right, a joint congressional resolution called for
increased federal action, including through prosecutions against those
committing hate crimes motivated by ethnic or racial animus.
The Aspen
Institute’s Justice & Society Program suggests that organizations
serving young Americans teach tolerance.
But there are
those that also advocate counter-violence against neo-fascists. They argue that it’s okay to “punch a Nazi,” an ugly, illegal
vigilante tactic.
Fortunately,
there is another tool for dealing with these groups.
Most states
have constitutional language, criminal statutes or both barring unauthorized
paramilitary activity. Every state except New York and Georgia have a
constitutional provision, similar to Virginia’s that requires that “in all cases the military should be under
strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.” In other words,
private armies are forbidden in 48 states. “You
can’t legally organize with others into battalions to fight those with whom you
disagree.”
As University
of Virginia law professor A.E. Dick Howard, who formerly directed the Virginia Commission on Constitutional
Revision, has written, this provision “ensures
the right of all citizens . . . to live free from the fear of an alien soldiery
commanded by men who are not responsible to law and the political process”. This is an accurate description of the
militant groups that invaded Charlottesville.
Please note
that Washington, D.C., the site of the failed alt-right protests last weekend,
had no such provisions.
…The rioters in Charlottesville at
the height of the rally.
In addition to
constitutional provisions, 28 states have criminal statutes that prevent
individuals from forming rogue military units and parading or drilling publicly
with firearms. Plus 25 states have
criminal statutes that bar two or more people from engaging in “paramilitary” activity, including using
firearms or other “techniques”
capable of causing injury or death in a civil disorder.
A dozen states
have statutes that prohibit falsely assuming the functions of law enforcement
or wearing without authorization, military uniforms or close imitations.
On the books
for years, these laws are rarely invoked. But with the invasion of public spaces
and intimidation of citizens that we’ve seen in Charlottesville and around the
country, it’s time states employ these laws to prohibit the coordinated use of
weapons at demonstrations and rallies.
Many Americans
have forgotten that for democracy to work, the state itself must have, as sociologist
Max Weber once described it, “the
monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force.” We often take that idea
for granted in the United States.
But the recent
tide of political violence has called that concept into question. And it wasn’t
just in Charlottesville.
You may
remember as I do, that there was also the “Battle
of Berkeley”. This was where
protesters and counter-protesters repeatedly clashed over plans to bring
right-wing and white-nationalist speakers to the Cal-State Berkeley
campus. And don’t forget the
recent Patriot Prayer Rallies in Portland, Oregon. That operation included a
series of violent protests. But most alarming has been the increased adoption
of paramilitary techniques and heavy weaponry.
The lawsuit
that came from the Charlottesville riot was carefully crafted to respect
constitutionally recognized rights. The suit was led by Georgetown’s Institute
for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection on behalf of Charlottesville and several businesses and associations there.
The suit did
not seek money damages for injuries suffered during the rally. Instead, it
sought court orders prohibiting white-nationalist and neo-Nazi groups and their
leaders; militia organizations purporting to defend the First Amendment rights
of these groups; and a self-described “anti-fascist,
anti-racist” organization. That
group, without authorization, deployed armed members to create a security
perimeter around a park used by counter-protesters during the rally. They are now prevented from returning to
Charlottesville as a coordinated armed group during demonstrations, rallies,
protests or marches.
In total, 21
individuals and organizations, including Unite the Right rally organizers
Jason Kessler and Elliott Kline, and prominent white-nationalist organizations Vanguard
America, Traditionalist Worker Party, League of the South, and
the Nationalist
Socialist Movement, agreed to settlements prohibiting them from
returning to Charlottesville in groups of two or more. This acts in concert while armed with any
type of weapon during any demonstration, rally, protest or march. Leftist
militia Redneck Revolt also settled. Two other defendants failed to
respond to the suit, but they were made subject to similar prohibitions.
Should any of
the defendants violate the court orders, they will be in contempt of court and
open to prosecution. Such cases are not without precedent: “Violation of a court order prohibiting
paramilitary activity under North Carolina’s laws resulted in the conviction of
the leader of the Carolina Ku Klux Klan in the mid-1980s.” That’s a
powerful deterrent.
Individuals
and groups not named as defendants in the case, and not subject to the court
orders, also have good reason to avoid attempting to reprise last year’s
clashes. That’s because the anti-paramilitary statutes in the lawsuit are
criminal statutes, and breaking those laws risks criminal prosecution.
No one can predict
what will happen in Charlottesville this year; the rally organizer, Jason
Kessler dropped his effort to obtain a permit for an anniversary rally. But that doesn’t guarantee that smaller
groups of white nationalists won’t gather, for which permits might not be
required.
However, it
does mean demonstrators will have to toe the line and assemble peacefully as
citizens expressing their points of view, rather than mimicking Nazi
Brownshirt-style paramilitaries.
Copyright G.Ater 2018
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