“SECTION 8” U.S. HOUSING CAN MEAN LIVING WITH ROACHES, RATS & POOR HOUSING
…New York’s Section 8 housing has
roaches, rats, leaky ceilings, and many apartments in need of repair
The current HUD Secretary isn't getting the job
done.
I have been wondering how the US Secretary of
the Housing
and Urban Development (HUD), Dr. Ben Carson, was doing these days. Other than being in trouble for acquiring a
$38,000 dining table & chairs for his HUD office,
I haven’t heard much about the good Doctor Carson
The current HUD secretary had run against the president for the Republican
nomination, but then he became a Trump supporter. He was then nominated for the
HUD secretary position by
Trump and was approved by the Republican Senate in 2017.
The reality is that it’s no surprise that a
doctor like Dr. Carson has no experience in the federal housing business, and
he has been a total failure at being a HUD
secretary. He was supposed to fix all
the major problems of the Section 8 Housing program that was developed back in
1974, but that ain’t happening.
The concept of the program when it was
developed by the US Congress, the program was referred to as the “Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher Program”. It was supposed to
help families move out of broken urban neighborhoods. However, it was very poorly designed, but it was
initially developed so that low income Americans could move to places where
they could live without the constant threat of violence, and where their kids
could attend good schools.
But somewhere along the way, “Section 8” became a name for housing
that is, to most, the same as the poor public-housing properties the program
was designed to help families escape.
So, how did this happen?
To begin with, Section 8 works like this:
Families lucky enough to get off the lengthy Section 8 waiting lists, they are
allowed to look for apartments up to a certain rent level, which varies for each
metro region. This figure is called by HUD
the “fair market rent”. It is calculated by HUD every year for each
metro area. The tenant pays about 30% of
their income, and the voucher covers the rest of the rent. (This idea was based back in 1974 on the
idea that families should not spend more than one-third of their income on
rent. They have only re-visited that
1974 idea recently, and the results are still not working.)
But the fair market rent cut-off point today
usually consigns voucher-holders to only live in the impoverished
neighborhoods.
This occurs because of how that number is
calculated: HUD draws the line at
the 40th percentile of rents and they some how call that “typical”…..? Units occupied
in these metropolitan areas include far-flung suburbs with very long auto
commutes and that obviously makes the Fair
Market Rent relatively low. As an
example, in New York City, the Fair
Market Rent for a one-bedroom apt. today is $1,249. For New York City, one of the most expensive
places to live, this is a price that relegates voucher-holders to the
neighborhoods like those in the Brownsville neighborhood of Brooklyn, NY. Brownsville is one of the most dangerous
places in the city, and it is where most of the poor public housing is located
today.
Technically, those voucher holders can live
anywhere in a region that meets the price restrictions. But the normal tendency
is for most people to stay in the neighborhoods that they are familiar
with. Additionally, landlords in
low-income areas aggressively recruit those voucher-holders, as the vouchers
are a much more reliable source of rent than other low-income tenants. Therefore, the results are these poorest kept
neighborhoods are those that are voucher holder renters.
The failings of the Section 8 program go well
beyond flaws in how the program was designed, and to how the states have
implemented the program. People can
argue all they want about the merits of subsidized housing, but given that
Section 8 exists, it would seem advantageous for states and municipalities to take
advantage of federal funds to help families find better housing. Unfortunately, the states ignore those
Section 8 neighborhoods and they leave it all up to the federal personnel that
are way under staffed.
Many of these states are especially determined
to keep these voucher-holders living in areas of concentrated poverty. In addition, many people are stuck in these
neighborhoods where the property owners are also very poor at keeping their
building in livable conditions.
“The whole idea of Section 8 in the beginning was that it was going to
allow people to get out of the ghetto,” said Mike
Daniel, a lawyer for the Inclusive Communities Project.
(Daniel has sued HUD over the
way it is carrying out the program in Dallas.) “But there’s tremendous political
pressure on housing authorities and HUD
to not let it become an instrument of desegregation.”
The results is on one side there are the NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard) people, and
there are those landlords like our US president who in a past life, he and his father were sued and fined for not renting their New York apartments to black
families, even the well-off black families.
As an example, in much of the country today, landlords
can refuse to take Section 8 vouchers, even if the voucher covers the
rent. And many landlords of buildings in
nicer neighborhoods will do anything to keep voucher-holders out. The result is
that Section 8 traps families in those poorest neighborhoods.
In Austin, TX, it was found that there were
plenty of apartments around the city that voucher-holders could afford. But
only a small portion of those apartment owners would actually rent to
voucher-holders.
The Austin Tenant’s Council, found that 78,217 units in the Austin metro
area—about 56% of those surveyed, had rents within the Fair Market Rent limits. But only 8,590 of those units accepted vouchers and they did not have
minimum income requirements for tenants. Most were located on the east side of
Austin, in high-poverty areas, with under-performing schools and much higher
crime rates. Another problem is that
this study that came up with these numbers, it only looked at apartment
complexes with at least 50 units.
“Families don't have very many choices as to where they can actually use
their voucher,” said Nekesha Phoenix, the Fair Housing Program Director at the Austin Tenants’ Council. “Although there are properties north and west
that they could actually afford to live in, they can't do it because the
properties won't take the voucher.”
Here is an example of the problem in
Austin. The brown and red dots represent
apartments in Austin that cost Fair Market Rent or less. Red dots represent the
apartments that would actually accept Section 8 vouchers. Austin’s west side,
with all the brown dots, is wealthier and has better schools, but brown dots do not take vouchers, so there is zero options for voucher-holders.
Some cities have tried to prevent this
situation. Last year Austin passed a “Source
of Income” ordinance that prohibited landlords from refusing to rent to
people solely because they have a voucher. And 12 states, as well as the cities
of Los Angeles, San Francisco, Washington D.C., Chicago, and Philadelphia have
all adopted the same program.
But in Austin, the landlords successfully
pushed back on the ordinance. The Austin Apartment Association sued the city over the ordinance,
asking for an injunction to block it. The apartment owners say that being
forced to accept Section 8 meant more paperwork, unreasonable lease terms, and
“burdensome inspections”.” The inspections were because of the property
owners that don’t keep up their properties and these landlords have to be kept in-
line. Therefore, the Section 8
properties are required to be inspected more on a regular basis.
Unfortunately, after a district judge left
the law standing, the Texas legislature in May went ahead and passed a
bill banning any municipality from passing a “Source of Income” ordinance. Source of Income discrimination will
once again become legal in Austin when the state law goes into effect next September. The NIMBY people win again.
“A
housing authority that on its own sets out to use housing choice voucher as an
instrument of desegregation would be brought to its knees by the elected
officials of the cities that they’re in,” An Austin Program Director said.
Why do some landlords try so hard to attract
voucher-holders and others try so hard to avoid them?
Section 8 tenants pay the rent reliably and
stay in their apartments longer than market-rate tenants, this is according to
Isabelle Headrick, the Executive Director
of Accessible Housing Austin!, who is also a property owner landlord.
Though the apartment owners’ lobby had said that Section 8 requires landlords
to sign a 400-page document and makes it more difficult to evict tenants,
Headrick says that is totally wrong and the contract is only 12 pages, and that the
inspections required are “no more
difficult than what a responsible landlord should be doing anyway. Having Section 8 tenants makes my job easier,
not harder,” she said.
However, in Dallas, the Inclusive Communities Project
found that some landlords who owned many units throughout the city would rent
to voucher-holders in low-income neighborhoods, but not in high-income
neighborhoods, even if the tenants could afford both apartments. Though the
landlords would say they refused the vouchers because they didn’t want to deal
with the paperwork, housing advocates say that property owners don’t want
Section 8 minority tenants in their buildings because they might drive away
market-rate tenants.
The Inclusive Communities Project sued HUD over the way it calculated Fair Market Rents in Dallas. It is now
trying to make an arrangement with Dallas-area landlords so that it can rent
apartments from them and then sublease them to Section 8 tenants, taking away
landlords’ excuses for not wanting to deal with Section 8 paperwork.
The idea that Section 8 people should be
required to stay in areas of slum and blight, at some point, that’s just
another way to racially segregate.
Voucher-holders in Austin have such a hard
time finding housing that they need to ask for multiple extensions to find
housing. The landlords know that the potential tenants will lose their voucher
if they don’t use it in 60 to 90 days.
David Wittie, a voucher-holder in Austin, ran
into this problem when he was looking for a new place last year. Wittie called around
and found a few places that said they took vouchers. But by the time he got on
a bus and arrived at the apartment building to sign a lease, they said the
units were rented. Wittie, who has been
in a wheelchair since he contracted from polio in 1956, said that he had to ask
for three extensions before he finally found a place.
“All I wanted was to find a nice place to live,” he said.
Rufus Jones, a 51-year-old visually-impaired
voucher-holder, had to look for a new apartment two years ago when the building
where he’d lived for 13 years was sold to a new owner who quickly raised the
rent.
After months of searching, Jones moved into a
place that soon became nightmarish when he discovered it was infested with
cockroaches. The apartment was located in a noisy building where the hot water
often didn’t work and where the sewage pipes leaked, but the final straw came
when a roach crawled into Jones’s ear when he was sleeping and he had to go to
the ER to get it out.
A HUD
study found that public housing authorities are significantly underfunded when
it comes to managing Section 8. operations costs. Those funds have been limited by Congress and
HUD is asking Congress to
consider changing the limits on administrative costs for voucher programs.’
“We want to give households choice, choices that help them in improving
their lives,” an administrator said.
But all these issues have been driven by the
lower supervisory level of HUD
personnel. This isn’t the direction that
is coming from the HUD
Secretary. Here is what the good Doctor
Carson has proposed:
That Millions of families living in federally subsidized public housing
should have to pay more for rent under the Trump administration proposal. The
Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) is asking Congress to raise
the rent paid by public housing residents to 35% of income from the current
30%. But the plan would also eliminate
income deductions that currently lower the rent.
Rents would be evaluated every three years instead of annually. This is
according to a statement by HUD, and these rent increases will not affect the
elderly or disabled.
So, Carson isn’t doing anything but asking
the poor to pay more of their income, while he takes away the rent deductions
they currently receive. Therefore, the
landlords will do better by eliminating the renter's deductions and the renters are
required to pay more of their income.
All this while nothing is being done to deal with the properties being
maintained, nor are there more people being added to the HUD teams to stay on top of the landlords.
If Section 8 can be fixed, it’ll be money
well spent, but this Carson proposal is not the way.
The government already spends billions of dollars each year creating a
program that, for some families, allows them to look for better places to live.
But what’s the point of offering the poor a
housing program, if for most of the users, there’s nowhere to choose from that is safe to live?
Copyright G.Ater 2018
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